Forgotten Stories of the Eugenic Age #2: Eugenics, Love, and the Marriage Problem
Posted by Natalie Oveyssi on July 20th, 2015
|Wedding dress, 1910s.
Source: Wikimedia Commons|
[Forgotten Stories of the Eugenic Age is a blog series exploring the lesser-known ways that eugenics affected and engaged American lives during the first half of the twentieth century.]
For American women in the early twentieth century, marriage was a dangerous affair.
Upon her marriage, a woman’s civic and social identity became subsumed in her husband’s. A wife was expected to be subservient in the home and in the marital bed. If a husband became abusive, indifferent, or otherwise lackluster, she had little recourse. Divorces were rare, difficult to obtain, and stigmatized.
Even if a woman could obtain a divorce on grounds of cruelty or adultery, separation was often impractical. Few women worked after marriage and even fewer after having children, leaving most financially dependent on their husbands. To make matters worse, judges in divorce cases typically awarded custody of children to their fathers. Sexually transmitted diseases were rampant, alcoholism was epidemic, and even discussion of these serious matters—especially in regards to their impact on women—was considered uncouth. For all these reasons, a woman’s choice of spouse was likely to be one of the most important determinants of her lifelong happiness.
But broad social changes were afoot. The middle-class “True Woman” of the Victorian Era—passive, pious, frail, and domestic—was facing challenges from the Progressive Era “New Woman”—passionate, opinionated, independent, and well-educated. The New Woman studied in university, worked before marriage and occasionally after, and didn’t hesitate to tackle some of the more difficult and uncomfortable marital and reproductive matters of the time.
In this context, the field of eugenics emerged as a lens through which white middle-class women could more deeply examine these issues and solve the “marriage problem.” As a 1909 Current Literature article declared, “Marriage is, essentially, a science.” And indeed, eugenists advised women to learn all they could about the scientific basis of marriage, and then put the facts into practice in life’s laboratory. If women carefully studied eugenics, they could determine with the greatest accuracy which man to marry to ensure a happy future.
Eugenists argued that the negative traits men could display after marriage, such as alcoholism, promiscuity, feeble-mindedness, and cruelty, all had a hereditary basis. Furthermore, claimed Dr. Woods Hutchinson, Clinical Professor of Medicine at New York Polyclinic, these traits were not limited to "the communities of chicken thieves [and] feudists who fight and inbreed among themselves and live like animals," but could also be found "on the roof of society, among the idle and mentally weak." Since any man regardless of class status or outward appearance could have hereditary defects invisible to the untrained eye, middle-class women hoping for a happy marriage had to be vigilant to protect themselves.
Here, eugenists combined an insistence on the hereditary nature of most undesirable traits with a healthy scorn for the traditional practice of shielding middle-class women from some uncomfortable truths about sex and married life. Dr. Anna Blount, one of the most well-known women eugenists, warned that eugenically inferior men were more likely to contract devastating venereal diseases—euphemistically called “red light diseases” or “social diseases”—that they would then pass on to their wives and subsequent children. Even "modern novelists," Blount wrote, are unable to convey the misery of "the blooming bride transformed in a few short months to the querulous invalid, or returning from the surgical operation at the hospital with the best of life and hope gone." Blount further cautioned that cruelty and the propensity for wife desertion were hereditary. Women needed to educate themselves about eugenics to safeguard against marriage to such men.
Dr. Norman Barnesby counseled that alcoholism was either a symptom or a cause of natural inferiority. Women may idealize marring an alcoholic man to reform him, but these innately hopeless causes would produce a "wrecked life and a dreary home." With statements like these, eugenists warned women that despite their hopes that the men they marry will abandon their damaging habits, love cannot eliminate inborn qualities.
Along with developing awareness of eugenic principles, eugenists emphasized that women could undertake special eugenic training to help identify signs of insidious degeneracy in prospective marriage partners. Professor Dean Inge of Cambridge University and the Eugenics Education Society claimed that without eugenic knowledge, women might find themselves drawn simply to a man's "fine and strong physique," despite lack of adequate information about his health. But the development of a "scientific eye" could help them avoid these womanly pitfalls.
Virginia Hinkins, who taught eugenics at Indiana University's YWCA, provided some concrete love-interest examination tools. When gazing deeply into a lover's eyes, she advised, women should not look for the "yearning, burning, soulful fires, which rage in the erotic litany of love," but for symptoms of eye disease. She continued, "His heart, to beat true, must pump seventy-two to the minute, and his sighs should rest under suspicion as indicating a liverish and morbid disposition." Eugenists also pressed for local and state governments to adopt laws requiring men and women hoping to marry to first present a eugenic health certificate signed by a physician indicating that they were fit to wed.
If these suggestions appear to strike a blow to romance, eugenists certainly didn't think so. Dr. Elizabeth Hamilton-Muncie asserted that eugenists wanted love to be essential for marriage but also desired that couples love "with their eyes open and brains active." Learning about eugenics would enable women to pursue romantic relationships with a healthy dose of common sense, contributing to a more informed, and thus purer, love. Notable British eugenist and sexologist Havelock Ellis wrote that marriage between two young healthy “wholesome wooers” in love was more likely to benefit the race than a money marriage between a young woman and a sick, elderly man. Love marriages were often eugenic by nature compared with marriages for money, social status, or simple convenience because love required people to find worthy characteristics in one another.
Some newspapers bolstered this connection between eugenics, love, and marriage with profiles of “eugenic” weddings. These weddings typically occurred between wealthy, well-educated, and socially prominent men and women who were vocal about their support for eugenics and their conviction that their marriage conformed to eugenic ideals. Along with the usual details about the bride’s family, the groom’s occupation, and the honeymoon destination, these flattering profiles frequently described the couple’s physical qualifications and eugenic credentials.
One such eugenic wedding occurred between Leo B. de Lano—quite the renaissance man as an "athlete, aquatic hero, temperance advocate, hat salesman, USC graduate, adventurer, and extremist”—and Betty Wehrle, "about as pretty a girl as ever posed for an artist." A Los Angeles Times article noted that de Lano was 5 feet 10 inches tall and 175 pounds, Wehrle was 5 feet 4 inches tall and 110 pounds, and both were “perfect blondes” who were “practically perfect physically,” as evidenced by the eugenic health exams to which they had submitted before agreeing to wed.
The previously cited Virginia Hinkins, who herself had a eugenic wedding, said that eugenic marriages were born out of “a normal desire to know the standing of a life partner, the only human insurance we can get for permanent love and happy married life." At a time when women’s life options significantly diminished after marriage, some middle-class women turned to eugenics in fervent hope that this “science” could assist them in making the best possible marital choice. In a way, focusing on scientific selection of a spouse was a way to avoid addressing the serious issues women faced once they were married. Eugenics provided assurance that women could identify a good husband, and that happiness would naturally follow.
Yet women’s interest in eugenics during this period also indicates their concerted effort to grapple with the difficulties and dissatisfactions of marriage and to claim greater control over their lives. It is poignant that in the early twentieth century, marrying eugenically appeared more attainable than social reforms to expand married women’s economic and legal options and to reduce the stigma of domestic abuse.
1. Barnesby, Norma. "Eugenics and the Child." Forum (Mar. 1913): 341.
2. Blount, Anna. "Effect of Divorce on the Next Generation." San Francisco Chronicle, Jan. 28, 1917.
3. Blount, Anna. "What Marriage Health Test Bill Means If It Becomes Law." San Francisco Chronicle, Mar. 18, 1917.
4. Dicker, Rory. A History of U.S. Feminisms. Berkeley, CA: Seal Press, 2008.
5. Ellis, Havelock. "Why First Love Is Always Wrong." Chicago Daily Tribune, Nov. 24, 1912.
6. "Eugenic Wedding to Begin the New Year." Los Angeles Times, Jan. 01, 1914.
7. "The Future of Love-Making in the Light of Science." Current Literature OL. XLI, (Jul. 1906): 97.
8. "Marriage As the Youngest of the Sciences." Current Literature OL. XLVI., (May 1909): 561.
9. "Real Eugenic Marriage." Los Angeles Times, Dec. 31, 1913.
10. Schneider, Dorothy and Carl J. Schneider. American Women in the Progressive Era, 1900–1920. New York: Facts on File, 1993.
11. "'Science First' in This Wooing." Chicago Daily Tribune, Oct. 25, 1915.
12. "Science in Marriage: Knowledge of Eugenics Would Prevent Unwise Unions." Washington Post, Mar. 20, 1910.
13. "Won't Banish Cupid: Dr. Elizabeth Muncie Defends the Purpose of Eugenics." Washington Post, Jul. 07, 1914.
14. "Would Check Birth of All Defectives." New York Times, Sep. 21, 1912.
Previously on Biopolitical Times:
Family Equality and Surrogacy
Posted by Elliot Hosman on July 9th, 2015
|Image via Wikimedia.|
On June 26, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in a widely celebrated decision that all 50 states must issue marriage licenses to couples regardless of their sexual orientation, likely ending an era of patchwork marriage rights for same-sex couples in the United States.
In a same-day op-ed for the Los Angeles Times, Douglas NeJaime, law professor and faculty director of the Williams Institute at UCLA, argues that “equality for gay families” has not been delivered with marriage. To ensure family dignity for gays and lesbians, says NeJaime, the next step is removing legal barriers to surrogacy. By failing to embrace commercial surrogacy, NeJaime continues, states will be effectively limiting the definition of family to heterosexual couples who can bear their own children.
For many decades leading up to present day, a number of discriminatory state laws have specifically excluded LGBTQ people from adoption and parental rights. This history is heart-breaking. Lesbian, gay, and transgender parents have been deemed “unfit” for being “antisocial,” “mentally ill,” and lacking in the moral fiber of “traditional family values” required to raise an upstanding citizen. These parents have fought for the dignity of their families, in schools, hospitals, social gatherings, churches, and too often, in unsympathetic courtrooms. With the victory of marriage equality, there are pressing issues for LGBTQ rights that extend way beyond weddings—as NeJaime suggests. Yet looking to the same principles of justice and equality that the marriage decision represents, we should proceed with caution and not move to an uncritical acceptance of the commercial surrogacy industry in this moment of hope and change.
Assistive reproductive technologies (ART) have helped many couples facing fertility barriers to start families. As NeJaime explains, lesbian couples can make use of commercially available sperm, in vitro fertilization, and fertility treatments for the partner who carries the child, while gay couples can turn to commercially available eggs and gestational surrogates. Yet the ART industry is highly unregulated, with a throng of unresolved issues including the safety of women and children, informed consent, privacy versus access to information, economic access, and marketing standards.
Additional problems surface when we turn our attention to those who provide wombs or gametes— especially eggs—in assisted reproduction, and to the children who result from these arrangements. Too often in commercial surrogacy, the desires of intended parents overshadow the health, rights, and well-being of those other people: the woman who provides her eggs, the woman who gestates and delivers the baby, and even the longed-for baby.
Women who sell their eggs to clinics, often for use as anonymous “donors,” are required to undergo drug treatments to increase ovulation that can have serious impacts on their health. Women who work as surrogates, especially in countries other than the US, often enter into contracts where the intended parents pay for both the attorney and the healthcare providers—raising concerns about compromises to the surrogate’s health and rights. A growing number of children conceived with third-party gametes and gestated by surrogates are realizing that they want to know about and perhaps to meet the people who contributed to their birth.
These and other unanswered questions hover around commercial surrogacy. And we already know that some of these ongoing practices are clearly harmful to women who bear children for others. Shouldn’t affronts to their human dignity be among those for which we fight? As we celebrate marriage equality and acceptance, we must also ensure that the voices of everyone participating in the creation of non-traditional families are heard, and that their rights are recognized and protected.
Previously on Biopolitical Times:
Talking About the Germline
Posted by Pete Shanks on July 8th, 2015
The debate about heritable human genetic modification continues, with opinions ranging from enthusiasm to dismay, and strong arguments for political as well as scientific involvement. Among the notable contributions in the last few weeks are the following.
Jacob Corn, Scientific Director of the Innovative Genomics Initiative (IGI), which is “dedicated to the enhancement and proliferation of genome editing research and technology in both the academic and commercial research communities” in the San Francisco Bay Area wrote a blog post (July 6) that stated categorically:
At this time, the IGI Lab will not do research on human germline editing for several reasons, including: 1. The IGI Lab is focusing on diseases for which somatic (non-heritable) editing would be a transformative advance. … 2. Cas9 technology is currently too nascent for me to consider germline editing wise. …
Corn was an organizer of the Napa meeting that led to the call in Science for a moratorium. CRISPR pioneer Jennifer Doudna is IGI’s Executive Director. Critics may point to the phrase “at this time” as a wiggle or loophole, but he is specifying a moratorium even on research, not just applications. We may not see any stronger statements from major researchers in the field ahead of the National Academies meeting, which Corn says is slated for October.
Daniel Sarewitz, co-director and co-founder of the Consortium for Science, Policy, and Outcomes at Arizona State University, made the important point in Nature (June 23) that weighing up the benefits and risks of gene editing and artificial intelligence is a political endeavour, not an academic one: "Science can’t solve it.”
Also in Nature (June 24), science and technology studies scholar Charis Thompson deplored the simplistically gendered nature of much of the discussion and urged a balanced approach aiming for “better science and better ethics.”
Republican members of the U.S. House of Representatives have started to weigh in, via the appropriations process. That could be a worrying sign of political polarization. But on the Democratic side, Rep. Bill Foster, who describes himself (accurately) as “the last scientist with a Ph.D. remaining in Congress,” has also expressed serious concern. Writing in The Hill, he issued a warning about the implications of fundamentally changing the course of human evolution:
We are on the verge of a technological breakthrough that could change the future of humankind; we must not blindly charge ahead. Now is the time to engage in serious and thoughtful discussion about what this means for the future of the human race.
Another commentary, by Craig Holdrege at the Nature Institute, discussed (June 22) “unforeseen effects” and unintended consequences, and strongly endorsed MIT and Whitehead Institute geneticist Rudolph Jaenisch’s view that “it is unacceptable to mutate normal embryos. For me, that means there is no application [of this technique in human embryos].”
By contrast, Henry Miller of the Hoover Institution at Stanford, a right-wing think tank, has no doubts, publishing a letter in Science (June 19) under the provocative title:
Germline gene therapy: We're ready
In passing, Miller accuses Baltimore et al.—the authors of the call for a moratorium in Science—of “apparent nostalgia” for Asilomar, which he regards as a failure because it “exaggerated the potential risks of recombinant DNA technology,” among other things.
There were also some relatively unhelpful pieces in the press. Newsweek published one (June 30) that conflated the upcoming Institute of Medicine report on “3-person IVF” with gene editing, and contained the confused line: “Embryo editing could allow a mother to replace faulty genes with genes from a different woman.”
An article in The New York Times (June 29) suggested that germline intervention was entirely unproblematic unless used “to change such traits as eye color or intelligence”; implied that only Chinese scientists were working on applying gene-editing technology in this way; and seemed to hint that Chinese researchers have weaker ethical constraints and standards than Americans do.
Much better was the Nature editorial (July 1) noting that
the culture wars … are a reality that all must face — and that is a good thing. … As public awareness of the technology increases, that ethical discussion will rightly be taken out of [academic] hands alone and planted firmly in those of broader society.
Finally, Pew Research released (July 1) the results of a science-related public opinion poll conducted in August 2014. The public was split over “changing a baby's genetic characteristics to reduce the risk of serious diseases,” with 50% saying that was “taking medical advances too far,” while 46% considered it appropriate. (Young male liberals tended to be in favor, and the respondents were not informed about already existing medical alternatives to germline manipulation.) However, 83% thought that “changing a baby's genetic characteristics to make the baby more intelligent” was going too far.
Previously on Biopolitical Times:
First Federal Bill to Acknowledge US Eugenics Would Help Victims of State Sterilization Programs
Posted by Jonathan Chernoguz on July 8th, 2015
|Image via Wikimedia|
A bipartisan bill introduced in the Senate on June 25 would give a financial break to people in North Carolina and Virginia who were sterilized under those state’s official eugenics programs, and who are now hoping to receive compensatory payments that have been established by their state legislatures. If passed, it would be the first federal legislation to recognize the history of sterilization abuse that took place during the twentieth century in the name of eugenics.
Senate Bill 1698 would exclude payments from current or future state eugenics compensation programs from consideration in determining eligibility for Federal benefits including Medicaid, Supplemental Nutritional Assistance Program, Supplemental Security Income, and Social Security Disability Insurance. It was introduced by Senator Thom Tillis (R-NC), who was joined by Senators Mark Warner (D-VA), Tim Kaine (D-VA), Tom Carper (D-DE), and Richard Burr (R-NC). On July 8, Congressman Patrick McHenry (R, NC-10) and Congressman G. K. Butterfield (D, NC-01) introduced companion bill H.R. 2949, the “Treatment of Certain Payments in Eugenics Compensation Act,” in the House of Representatives.
Between 1907 and 1977, 33 states passed laws authorizing eugenic sterilization of various categories of people (including “criminals,” the “mentally ill,” and the “feeble minded”). Populations most often targeted by the eugenics programs were unmarried women, African-Americans, and poor children.
Only two states have issued plans for reparation through monetary compensation. North Carolina became the first to enact legislation to compensate living victims of forced sterilization laws in 2013, setting aside a $10 million compensation fund. Following North Carolina’s example, Virginia passed similar legislation in 2015. While North Carolina identified 220 living sterilization survivors; Virginia has identified only twelve so far. Virginia will award $25,000 to each involuntarily sterilized person who was alive as of February 1, 2015.
Unfortunately, many North Carolinians and Virginians who were sterilized against their will do not qualify for reparations, and thus would receive no benefits from the newly introduced federal legislation. The states’ current compensation laws say that to be eligible for compensation, the sterilization operation must have occurred under the state's Eugenics Board. However, judges, local health officials, and social service workers were also permitting and arranging sterilizations, as in the case of Debra Blackmon.
In a short video about the bill, Senator Tillis encourages “other states to follow North Carolina’s lead, as Virginia has recently done, to right this wrong in our nation’s history.”
Previously on Biopolitical Times: